Anyone who has even a pedestrian understanding of social movements knows that they are often caused by the convergence of social, economic, cultural, and political factors.  And this is certainly true in the Arab world. Decades of government corruption, elite economic self-interest, the arrogance of power,  and historic economic inequalities were the primary catalyst for what Newsweek magazine called, “a youthquake that is rocking the Arab world.” A recent tweet by former U.S. Secretary of Labor Robert Reich is subtle but profound: “We cannot in good conscience continue to reward the rich, penalize the poor, and ignore the middle. There will be a day of reckoning.”  While Reich was referring to the current political and economic climate in the U.S. the tweet speaks to the wider global condition. While social media was not the catalyst of the Egyptian protest it was certainly a tool for mobilizing protest.

The five million Facebook accounts in Egypt make it the second most popular site in the country.  YouTube is the third most visited site.  Whereas protestors used Facebook  to organize, set dates, and “peercast,” that is, share mobile pictures and video with peers Twitter became the social media backbone of the movement’s day-to-day machinations.

I recently had a chance to speak with a young man who made Tahrir Square his home during parts of the uprising.

Karim (this is a pseudonym) studies social media and told me that he felt like he was participating in history.  On February 5 he sent me a number of pictures from his Facebook album that captured various aspects of the massive demonstrations in Egypt.  The pictures, of course, had an ethnographic aesthetic about them and offer a much more intimate perspective of the movement than did the highly selected images most people viewed on television.  The Facebook album included pictures of people protesting, confronting the police, nurturing the wounded, laughing, celebrating, and, most important, bonding together in a common cause to transform their country. In many of the pictures (see Photo 1) I also noticed people capturing the protest with their mobile devices.

In literally thousands of instances they streamed pictures, videos, tweets, and Facebook updates for their comrades around Egypt and the world.  This kind of media production is a hallmark feature of the digital media age.  Egyptian protestors were not only consuming images of their efforts, they were also producing and sharing those images with the world and giving new meaning to the notion of participatory politics.

Karim explained the popularity of photos this way.  “As you might know, sometimes these demonstrations are not safe; so, as soon as we reach Tahrir Square, we take photos of the demonstration and upload them to our Facebook profiles to tell our friends that we are participating and encourage them to come over.”

Curious about the adoption of technology in the uprisings , I asked Karim how did social media influence the events in Egypt.  Karim replied that, “the demonstration started on January 25 and the call for it was done mainly through Facebook.”  Facebook emerged, in part, as an efficient way to coordinate and organize protestors.  The first Facebook post related directly to the events in February was made on January 14 at 11:18 pm, eleven days before the first massive protests in Tahrir Square.  The main tag simply read: رسالة إلى شعب مصر: ليكن 25 يناير هو شعلة التغيير في مصر.  (Rough)Translation: “Message to the people of Egypt: Let the January 25 is the torch of change in Egypt.”

According to Karim, social media was crucial from the outset of the movement because it gave people on the ground an information technology that they could control. “Because of the government’s heavy control over all the traditional media,” he explained, “the Internet is the only available option for all opposition parties and movements.” That is also why after two days of protest the government shut down the internet and mobile phone service.  Determined to keep the momentum people used everything from dial-up modems to proxy-servers.

The first and what will likely go down in history as one of the most famous Twitter hashtag’s in the Egyptian revolution was “#jan25,” created by a twenty-one year-old woman who goes by the Twitter name, @alya1989262.  Follow the “#jan25” feed (created January 15, one day after the above Facebook announcement) and one of the most striking features is the range and complexity of communication that took place via Twitter.  In many ways, Twitter became the mediated eyes, ears, and voice of the day-to-day life of the protest.

#jan25 is, in essence, a transcript of history, a log not merely of what people were tweeting, but what they were thinking and, most important, doing.  Twitter was used in a variety of ways during the protest.  At times it was used as a tool for real time communication betwen protesters, informing each other about the location of police, where protestors should go, and what media around the world were saying about the events on the ground.  According to @alya1989262, Twitter, “most importantly, allow[ed] us to share on the ground info like police brutality, things to watch out for, activists getting arrested, etc.”

Twitter was also used to rally, recruit, and encourage people to come out and show their solidarity with the protestors.  In other instances it was used as a broadcast medium, a technology that allowed the protesters to tell their side of the story, their side of history.  In societies were freedom of the press is severely constrained and the press is often the mouthpiece of the government, social media emerges as an alternative broadcasting platform, a way to communicate and connect with the world.  There is historical precedence for this.

In the 1960s leaders of the U.S. civil rights movement came to understand the power of television and how the images of police brutality turned the tide against the state sanctioned southern hostility toward freedom fighters and their demands for political equality.  In the student led movement against the Vietnam War chants like “the whole world is watching” revealed an effort to leverage the power of television to mobilize widespread support for their social movement.  By staying connected to Twitter the protestors in Egypt were also able to track how well their efforts were trending beyond home.  What did they see?  The whole world really was watching them but this time on YouTube, Facebook, Twitter, and other social media platforms in addition to television. @alya1989262 acknowledged this, “Twitter trends also help us gauge how visible we are to the international community.” What makes social movements in the age of social media so distinct is the real time nature of communication in the execution of protest as well as the ability to share perspectives, narratives, and experiences that establish an ambient connection to the outside world.

As we gain a better understanding of what happened in Egypt and other parts of the Arab world we will also learn more about who used mobile devices and social media to energize their efforts to create democratic freedoms.  Karim contends that, “the youth who called for the first demonstration on January 25 belong to upper middle class in Egypt and most of them, if not all, have Internet access.” @alya1989262’s account is similar.  “A certain class of activists are armed with smartphones, which allow them to live-tweet the protests.”  Does this suggest that the movement was ignited by a generation of tech savvy and college educated citizens?  Not necessarily.  But the idea of this segment rising up to confront power is not all that surprising when you consider their condition.  Roughly a third of the population in the middle east is under thirty and a noteworthy percentage of them have college degrees.  The young and the digital in the middle east are connected to the world in a way that previous generations could not even have imagined.  And yet, the unemployment rate of young college educated persons in the middle east is staggeringly high.  A recent report from NPR notes that 40% of young persons with college degrees in Saudia Arabia, for example, are unemployed.  Faced with the prospects of a life with few if any meaningful opportunities to utilize their cultural capital—education—many young people realized that they had nothing to lose by confronting the Mubarak regime.

What happened in Egypt is yet another confirmation of what our research has consistently demonstrated regarding young people’s engagement with social media: young people use social media not as a substitute for face-to-face interactions with their peers and the world but rather as a complement. Young people in Egypt did not use social media to avoid gathering with each other or to passively participate in their country’s revolution.  They used it to encourage gathering with each other for the expressed purpose of actively participating in the revolution.  Twitter and Facebook did not start the revolution but they did help generations of Egyptians realize a world that not that long ago would have been impossible to imagine.

In fact, the story of the most successful social media platforms is how they evolve far beyond what their creators initially intended. Facebook, once a place to connect with collegiate friends, is also used to connect to social causes, organizations, and pop culture interests.  In places like Tunisia and Egypt the political elite are blocking access to social media because it has become an alternative media tool for sharing with the world the unrest in those respective countries.  Updating the design features of these platforms so that they remain relevant and flexible enough to matter in people’s lives is a constant challenge not because the creators define the social uses of social media but precisely for the opposite reason–how everyday users adopt and innovate with social media continually redefines their meaning.

What is Social Changes as We Change

The data in our survey offers compelling evidence that Facebook is evolving into a multi-facted platform connecting with nearly every aspect of our social selves.  And while that makes some traditionalists uncomfortable it is a fact of life in the digital age.  What remains to be seen is how users of Facebook will innovate in the face of “network convergence “a reference to what happens when the varied social connections that reflect our varied selves are connected to each other through online social networks. It is a mistake to assume that active engagement with social media means disengagement with offline friends and acquaintances.  In fact, all of the data that we have been collecting over the last six years strongly suggest otherwise.

Even before conducting our study we understood that the use of social media is constantly evolving in relation to several factors including age, education, gender, geography, race and ethnicity. In our earlier work we noticed that teens used social network sites primarily as a destination and opportunity to get away from the controlling gaze of parents, teachers, and other authority figures.  My colleagues Mimi Ito and Heather Horst were part of a MacArthur Foundation funded study a few years ago that found that teens’ use of social media is actually quite layered, complex, and, yes, social.  For most teens social networks are primarily about two things–crafting a social identity and connecting to a peer community.  Despite popular opinion how teenagers use social media is not a predictor of how they will use social media in later years.  In our early research we came across evidence that marked some important transitions in the use of social media after high school.

In our research young adults’ rejection of online social networks as a place to hang out illuminates the social and behavioral changes that accompany the transition from teen to young adulthood.  First, whereas teens, due primarily to age and the school week, face a number of restrictions on their personal mobility, young adults enjoy more personal freedoms and mobility.  Second, young adults also exercise more control over their free time.   Third, unlike teens young adults do not suffer from what sociologist Ray Oldenburg refers to as “the problem of place,” a reference to the steady erosion of informal public life and places for friends to gather socially.  Young adults gather together in all kinds of places including parties, dorm rooms, coffee shops, fitness classes, and bars.

Facebook Photos Define Social Outward Rather Than Downward

At its core our study explores one question: what is social about social media?  Social behavior, as it always does, continues to evolve.  Social media expands our opportunities to engage friends, family, acquaintances, and the world around us.  Several indicators of sociability emerge from our work but I will focus on one–the posting and browsing of pictures.  When we talk with young people (and this increasingly applies to the millions of 35+ users of Facebook) browsing photos consistently emerges as a major part of the Facebook experience. According to Facebook its more than 500 million users worldwide share about 30 billion pieces of content–pictures, web links, news stories, blog posts, notes, etc.–a month.

Turkle observes that, “you can be pro-photo sharing without being convinced that it expands our social lives,” adding, “It’s a way of defining downwards what it means to be social.” Rather than dismiss photo sharing as defining social behavior downward I prefer to think of it as defining social behavior outward.

Not only is the sharing of pictures social– I call it “lifesharing”– but many of the pictures that people post on Facebook often capture activities that are social in nature–friends hanging out together at parties, athletic events, and sharing meals and drinks together. Seventy-six percent of those surveyed in our study say that the photos that they post are of social gatherings with friends.  More than half, 55%, say that the photos that they post are of family-based events.  It’s true, a growing percentage of the pictures shared on Facebook are of family related activities including weddings, vacations, and reunions.

The pictures that users post and what they elect to share tell intriguing stories about who they are and also who they aspire to be.  As I think about our research the posting and browsing of pictures via Facebook is a complex social activity that intersects with many of the current debates about social media in general and Facebook in particular– issues like privacy, publicity, identity, performance, personal expression, narcissism, and prosumption (i.e., people producing and consuming cultural content) just to name a few.

We also have a bit of data on when people are most likely to be on Facebook and our preliminary analysis suggest that it’s usually during the periods they are unlikely to physically be with friends–early in the morning or late during a weekday evening.  (We will need to think more carefully about this as Facebook mobile now means Facebook anytime and anywhere). Pictures spark conversations and fond feelings that can pull a close social circle of friends even closer together or help distant friends and family feel connected even though they may be far away.

I don’t see evidence that Facebook is making us anti-social or that its use is defining social behavior downward.  I do see evidence that users are adopting the platforms features to expand how we express our social selves.

Click this link, “Got Facebook?,” to see our study.

As young people move from one life stage to the next their motivation for using social media evolves as does the networks they maintain and the content they share. Whereas engagement with Facebook four years ago was principally about connecting to a small sphere of friends the use of the platform today includes a broader range of activities, such as communicating with friends and family, collaborating on school work, browsing photos and videos, playing games and quizzes, consuming news, and participating in civic life.

In this study we focus on a key period in many young people’s lives: the transition from college to the paid workforce. In that relatively short window of time a number of life changing decisions are on the horizon: career, where to live, and starting a family just to name a few.

No matter if it is a wall post, a comment, or a photo, young people’s engagement with Facebook is driven, primarily, by a desire to stay connected to and involved in the lives of friends who live close by, far away, or have just entered in to their lives. And yet, we also find some interesting distinctions among young Facebook users. For example, women and men use the platform in uniquely gendered ways. Women, when compared to men, are much more likely to use Facebook to communicate about or share content related to friends and family. Men, by contrast, are much more likely to communicate about or share content related to pop culture, the news, or current events.

Facebook has evolved into a source of community leisure and entertainment. Of all the media content young people share via Facebook—photos, videos, links, quizzes—sharing photos is most common with eighty-seven percent of respondents reporting that they post photos on Facebook. The world’s biggest social network is also a social gaming platform with fifty-eight percent of respondents reporting they are likely to play a game or take a quiz on a typical day. Of those who participate in gaming, fifty-two percent are college graduates and forty-four percent are college students.

A few years ago there was a general belief that Facebook was principally a platform used by whites. But the presence of African Americans and Latinos has grown substantially over the last three years. Many of the black and Latino students we first met four years ago have moved from MySpace to Facebook. In 2009, Facebook’s Data Team even released a report on the demographic diversity of the platform. Erin and I will share our results related to race, ethnicity, and social media practices in the next wave of data we study.

This was a relatively large sample (N=900) considering the number of questions (more than 100) that we asked. So while there is much work for us to do going forward we decided to share our first Executive Summary, titled: Got Facebook? Investigating What’s Social About Social Media.

You can read the executive summary.

* A note on the survey methodology:

We worked with a survey research company and their sampling company.  SSI provides access to more than 6 million research respondents – some managed exclusively by SSI, plus millions more through preferred partner relationships across 54 countries. Online respondents are recruited from more than 3,400 sources using a variety of methods and targeted approaches. These include banner ads, keywords, search links, pop-up polls, email, online invitations, and co-registration. Community membership is double opt-in, and all applicants are carefully screened.

The sample for this survey is a nationally-based, non-random , panel participant list. The sampling company initially contacted panel participants by e-mail and those who decided to participate went to a link that directed them to the server with the survey. Panel participants were contacted once.

Four days later James had sent seven tweets and accumulated 392,504 followers. He was one of top topics on Twitter in places like the U.S., Mexico, Brazil, and Great Britain.

While James may have been new to the Twittersphere many of his NBA friends were regular users. The role that social media is playing in pro sports is a fascinating yet largely unexamined phenomenon. This week as the NBA free agent frenzy heated up we got a glimpse of how networked media is creating a new sport landscape and culture.

During the NBA free agency period no athlete was more active with social media than Chris Bosh, the young power forward who announced earlier this week that he was joining another NBA superstar, Dwayne Wade in Miami. During the eight days between the official beginning of free agency and LeBron’s July 8th announcement, Bosh sent forty-four tweets. Several of his tweets announced which team he was meeting followed by a quick note on how the meeting went. Bosh never revealed any sensitive details about the high-stakes meetings. Still, the posts opened up the process to his fans, journalists, and the public. ESPN’s signature show, SportsCenter, began reporting regularly on Bosh’s tweets.

Bosh managed to strike an interesting and even intimate connection with fans. He expressed his anxiety about the big decision that awaited him: “Trying to ease my nerves. Tried to take a nap, but I can’t sleep…” Some of his tweets struck a philosophical note: “it’s funny how years come down to hours and minutes.” Like LeBron and the other big name free agents a lot was on the line for Bosh. For him, D. Wade, and LeBron this was not about what free agency is usually about—getting paid. If that were the case they each would have stayed with their respective teams and commanded the “maxium salary” package allowed by the players collective bargaining agreement with the owners. For Bosh, D. Wade, and LeBron the decision was about history and legacy. In short, it was about winning multiple championships and cementing their place in sport history. Social media was a clear part of the path they traveled together.

After appearing in Chicago to meet individually with the hometown Bulls, Bosh and Wade had dinner together. Following dinner, Bosh posted a picture of the two together and tweeted, “Just had dinner w @dwadeofficial. Great way to end day 1 of #freeagency although it feels like someone is missing……” In between Bosh and Wade was an empty chair. It was classic social media practice–playful, social, and casual.

The pic and the tweet were clear references to LeBron.

Some journalists and NBA owners derided Bosh’s use of social media. Apparently some NBA owners were baffled and bothered by Bosh’s enthusiastic use of Twitter. They interpreted it as a sign of unprofessionalism and narcissism. It was reported that management from his former team, Toronto, considered Bosh’s use of social media a sign of disrespect and disregard for the organization. Another report suggested that the owner of the Chicago Bulls expressed concerns about Bosh’s character when rumors began to swirl that Bosh was bringing cameras into the meetings with the various teams that were trying to recruit him. Bosh used Twitter to fire back at that particular allegation, “I don’t film my meetings. I am a professional. Having control of your own media is a distraction, but when other networks do it, it’s not?”

Bosh clearly enjoyed sharing his thoughts throughout the free agency process via Twitter. These young men are part of a generational wave and cultural ethos that has fully incorporated social media into their everyday lives. A 26-year old does not view the sharing of his or her life via social media as odd or disrespectful. If you know anything about young people’s engagement with social media the streaming of their lives and the public nature of their friendshps—what I like to call life-sharing—is how they live. We live in a different culture and the norms related to privacy and publicity are evolving. Even James’ decision to announce his decision on live TV is symptomatic of the ways life in the age of social media and reality TV continue to blur the lines between privacy and publicity.

The backlash against pro athletes and their use of social, mobile, and reality-based media represents what is in many respects a generation gap between today’s pro athletes, franchise owners, and the journalists that cover them. Bosh was not being disrespectful or unprofessional, he was simply doing what has become quite normative in his generation: using social media to stream his thoughts, life, and social networks. LeBron knew that the whole sportsworld was following his very move. So why not go on Twitter. Kevin Durant, the up and coming superstar in Oklahoma City, announced his new contract agreement via Twitter earlier this week.

As we learn more about the decision that Bosh, Wade, and LeBron made to team up together in Miami we see how social and mobile media were key parts of the process. Although they live in different cities and played for different teams the three maintained a close connection through networked media. They formed a bond that led to a strong desire to play together even if it meant earning less money on the contracts they will sign. And they certainly used new media to help them wrestle with the challenges of free agency.

Something else struck me about the LeBron saga: pro athlete’s are using social media as a source of community, solidarity, and support. Almost immediately after LeBron announced his plans to play for Miami many of his critics began to charge him with cowardice, disloyalty, and selfishness. Many of his professional friends and colleagues came to his defense. Ocho Cinco, the outspoken Cincinnati Bengal football player offered this observation via Twitter, “so when a #freeagent leaves he’s a traitor but when a team cuts your ass its part of the business.” Ocho Cinco’s sentiments undoubtedly represent a generation of athletes who have become richer and bolder in the face of public scrutiny. (See Twitterball for a discussion of Ocho Cinco). Chris Paul, who earlier in the week convinced LeBron to start using Twitter posted this, “Glad bron finally got that off his chest…NO ONE can possibly imagine how tough that decision was for him…wish him all the best!!!” Paul also retweeted OchoCinco’s post.
And Bosh simply said, “Yeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!”

This is just a sample of the tweets that pro athletes posted in support of LeBron. It represents an interesting moment in the history of the modern day athlete. At a time when the media spotlight directs a constant and sometimes callous glare they are using social media to shine their own light, offer their own perspective, and craft their own public image. Many pro athletes are using new media platforms to discuss personal and professional matters. They are also using social media to “talk back” in a very visible way to a public that can sometimes be uncivil in their treatment. And as we see in the aftermath of LeBron’s decision to leave Cleveland athletes are also using social media as a way to maintain solidarity and show support for each other in the face of what they undoubtedly view as unfair public scrutiny.

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In a follow-up to a recent set of events I did an interview with the MacArthur Foundation Spotlight on Digital Media and Learning. Here’s an excerpt.

As the digital divide closes, thanks in no small part to mobile media, the question is no longer who’s using digital media, but how. Are African American youth engaging with digital in dynamic ways that will help them develop useful skills and greater capabilities?

You can read the full feature story here.

Another story on the Spotlight blog related to my research and a collaboration between the UNCF and MacArthur is here

Also, a great summary of MacArthur’s successful Digital Media and Learning conference held in San Diego can be read here.

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Whereas 30% of white households were accessing the internet only about 13% of Latino and 11% of black households had home internet access. That gap established the framework for what we know as the digital divide, the rise of the “technology rich” and the “technology poor.” Consequently, as we entered the new millennium the debate about technology and social inequality was focused squarely on the “access gap.”

Fast forward to today and profound shifts in the social and digital media landscape are apparent. Black and Latino kids are going online from a vast array of places–school, libraries, community tech centers, and home. Data from a variety of sources confirms that we have shifted from the “access gap” to what Henry Jenkins and others describe as the “participation gap.” What is the participation gap? Well, it’s a reference to the fact that as a more diverse population joins the digital world how do we begin to understand the different skills, interests, ethics, and cultures that produce different new media ecologies, literacies, and modes of participation in digital media culture?

Even though the access gap has closed in some corners of the digital world (though certainly not all; a huge age gap still persists) race, class, education, geography, and economics continue to matter in the digital world. In my presentations I have focused specifically on how African American and Latino youth, through sheer determination and innovation, are remaking the participation gap. Twelve years ago young blacks and Latinos hardly figured in the conversations about young technology users. The data today strongly suggests that they may in fact be leading the digital transition.

Here are a few of the points that I’ve been addressing in my public talks.

1. In 1999, when the Kaiser Family Foundation released its first national study investigating the media behaviors of 8-18-year-olds they found that black and Latinos were significantly less likely to go online from home than their white counterparts. Moreover, young whites spent more time online than black or Latino youth.

2. Ten years later the media environments of white, black, and Latino youth has changed significantly. In their 2010 report Kaiser finds that the amount of time young people spend using media throughout the day has risen sharply, especially among blacks and Latinos. When you combine all media used, multitasking and otherwise, Hispanic youth spend about 13.0 hours a day with media. Black youth spend just about as much, 12:59 hours whereas white youth spend 8.36 hours. Even more interesting: on a typical day young Latinos (1:49 hours) and blacks (1:24) are spending more time online than their white counterparts (1:17).

3. When it comes to mobile media the gap is even wider. According to Kaiser, black and Latino youth are the heaviest consumers of media content via the cell phone. Black youth spend the most time using their phones for music, games, and videos: almost an hour and a half (1:28), compared to 1:04 for Hispanics and 26 minutes among white youth.

4. Since 2004-05 we have learned from Amanda Lenhart, an analyst from the Pew Internet & American Life Project, that black and Latino youth are just as likely as young whites to create a social network profile. There is growing evidence that young blacks and Latinos are spending more time on social sites like MySpace and even Facebook and Twitter than young whites.

5. In our recent work with a group of black and Latino teens they talk passionately about the role of mobile phones in their lives. The mobile, quite simply, is the hub of their social and informational world. That’s true of a growing number of all young people. But African Americans, according to the Pew Internet & American Life Project, are more likely than their white or Latino counterparts to go online via a mobile phone than a desktop or laptop computer. They are emerging as early adopters of the mobile web.

When I spoke with Amanda at the MacArthur Foundation’s Digital Media and Learning conference this past weekend she said that Pew would soon be releasing results that further support my observations. We all know that mobile is the future. By 2020, according to one Future of the Net report, the majority of Americans will be accessing the internet via a mobile device. But the future is now for some internet users, especially for young African Americans.

Finally, in our research with black teenagers they offer a host of reasons for why they prefer going online from their mobile phones. Some believe it’s a more affordable on ramp to the online world. Some believe it is more reliable, that is, no need to worry about the old or broken down computers they encounter at school or at home. The main reason: their mobile device offers a more empowered online experience. Many schools have all but made going online a painful experience. Students can’t do the things they want to do–communicate with their peers, access Facebook, or “mess around” with technology. Libraries place time and content restrictions on what young people can do online. The mobile web, in short, limits the ability of adults to control what kids do online. This can be liberating and, at times, limiting.

Truth is, we do not know a lot about what young people are doing online with their mobile phones. What are the perils when young people’s participation in new media communities drifts further away from adults? Are teens sexting? What kinds of new literacies are they engaged in? Is the mobile web used principally to play games, listen to music, and watch videos? Or is it also used as an educational and informational resource? These are just some of the kinds of questions that need to be answered.

We will continue to update you from the field as we strive to learn more about how black and Latino youth are remaking the participation gap and, along the way, changing the conversations about technology and social inequality.

Generational Shifts
When I talk about my research with various organizations and colleagues around the world I am often asked: how does the use of social media change over time? In other words, what would a longitudinal study of social media behaviors reveal about the complex ways we participate in digital media culture? Recently, The New York Times posted an interesting piece, The Children of Cyberspace: Old Fogies by Their 20s that underscores the mini-generational gaps that make it difficult to talk in very broad terms about youth and digital media. Lee Rainie, the director of the Pew Internet & American Life Project, told the Times, “People two, three or four years apart are having completely different experiences with technology.”

The article points out that the digital media behaviors of 22-year old college students are very different than eighteen year old college students. It speaks to how quickly engagement with digital media evolves. We’ve been tracking this in our own research. Three years ago when we started collecting survey data from college age persons about their use of social network sites we asked this question: “How often do you check social network sites?” When we launched a new national survey two months ago (November 2009) we realized that the question–just three years old–appears outdated.

The question assumes that there are times in the day when young collegians are not connected, not updating their status, or not looking out for new content posted, for example, in their Facebook news feed. Young people are “always on,” that is to say, always connected to a device and their peers no matter if they are at school, work, the gym, bar, or even while driving. They are always connecting, sharing, and communicating. Today, the more relevant question might very well be, “when are you not on a social media platform?”

The survey project that we recently launched is designed to probe how the use of social media changes in a relatively short window of time. We know from our previous research that teens use of social media varies significantly from the college students usage of social media. Our latest project is designed to produce an evidenced-based portrait that compares and contrasts the social media practices of current college students with recent college grads. One of our hypothesis is that the motivation for using social media is marked, in large measure, by the various stages of the life-cycle. We believe that the intensity and types of participation in the social media world are constantly evolving in relation to external factors like work, family, and geographical mobility.

So, are college grads more or less likely than current college students to share personal information about themselves in Facebook? Do college grads find themselves using social media more or less often than college students? And does the composition of their network change in the transition from college to the professional world? These are just some of the questions that our research is poised to address in an effort to further illuminate the mini-generational distinctions that are part of social media world.

We will be posting some preliminary results and data points from the survey in the next few weeks.

Diversity and the Digital Media Participation Gap

In February, the MacArthur Foundation and the Digital Media and Learning Hub at the University of California, Irvine are hosting The Digital Media and Learning Conference. The theme for the inaugural event to be held in La Jolla, California is, Diversifying Participation.

Fifteen years ago the National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) released the now famous report Falling Through the Net: A Survey of the “Have Nots” in Rural and Urban America. That report along with additional research from scholars, community activists, and policy makers established the framework for what is now known as the digital divide, a reference to the rise of the technology rich and the technology poor. The original digital divide narrative focused primarily on who did and did not have access to computers and the Internet. The belief, of course, was that those on the digital margins, often the poor, the rural, and less educated would fall farther behind their more affluent, suburban, and educated counterparts.

It did not take long for researchers to expand the focus of digital media and diversity beyond the question of access. More recently researchers have explored what is typically referred to as the participation gap– a recognition that as a more diverse population engages the digital media world they bring different skills, competencies, and interests to their online experiences. As the organizers of the Diversifying Participation conference write in their announcement, “Young people have differential access to online experiences, practices, and tools and this has a consequence in their developing sense of their own identities and their place in the world.” Trying to identify, document, and comprehend these different experiences and practices and what they mean for achieving a more equitable digital world represents an exciting stage of research.

One of the assumptions that accompanied the original digital divide narrative is that black, Latino, and working class communities, for example, were not engaged with social and mobile media technologies. The data that we have been collecting demonstrates just how wrongheaded that assumption is. Still, even as black and Latino youth are using technology their participation in the digital media world produces notable perils and possibilities.

I’m giving one of the keynote addresses for the Digital Media and Learning and Learning Conference. My presentation considers how the social media practices of black and Latino youth compel us to rethink the participation gap and the emergent issues surrounding their immersion in the digital world. I’ll also be talking about these issues at conferences at Ohio St. University, a community organization in Washington DC, and another MacArthur funded event at Morehouse College in Atlanta.

As these and other events approach I will be sharing my observations and presentations on this website.

You can read the interview here.